This article examines Habre o Abre’s brutality, relationship with foreign patrons, and treatment of Libyan POWs. The author concludes that Habre o Abre must be brought to justice for the alleged massacres of the Libyan people. I hope that this article will help you understand Habre o Abre better. Weigh your options carefully and don’t let fear rule your decisions.
Habre o Abre’s brutality
The enduring effects of Habre’s brutality are felt today. His single-party regime was characterized by widespread violations of human rights and mass campaigns against the civilian population. The regime targeted ethnic groups it considered to be “threats” to its authority, such as the Zaghawa ethnic group in 1989. From 1983 to 1990, many individuals were detained in secret detention centers and tortured to death.
A group of fourteen victims of Habre’s violence filed a complaint in Senegal on 16 September 2008. When the country failed to provide funding, it instituted proceedings before the International Court of Justice. Belgium then made a request for extradition, but the Dakar appeal court rejected it three times. This time, however, the country’s justice ministry finally accepted Belgium’s request. Nevertheless, Habre and his associates are still facing trial.
His relationship with foreign patrons
After taking power, Habre o Abre’s single-party rule was characterized by widespread violations of human rights and mass campaigns of violence against the civilian population. He targeted ethnic groups he perceived as threats, such as the Zaghawa people in 1989. In addition, many individuals were detained in secret detention centers during the regime, where they were tortured and killed. As a result, the Habre regime’s relationship with foreign patrons was complicated and strained.
The CIA station chief in Khartoum, Sudan, met Habre in 1982 and arranged for a convoy of Toyota Hilux pickups to be delivered to the rebel camp. These trucks were equipped with 12.7-mm heavy machine guns. These trucks were vital in Habre’s confrontations with the Libyans. The convoy of CIA trucks proved critical in his campaign against the Libyans.
A group of victims filed a complaint against Habre in Belgium on 30 November 2000. The group comprised 21 victims, of whom three were able to obtain Belgian citizenship after years in Belgium. On 19 September 2005, a Belgian judge issued an arrest warrant for Habre and requested his extradition from Senegal. Here was arrested in N’Djamena on 15 November 2005. His trial was delayed until a final decision is made on Belgium’s extradition request.
Franch roles and support for him:
France continued to support Habre o Abre in his struggle with the Gaddafi regime. It also supported the French, who were deeply concerned about Habre’s stance on the Gulf War. The French remained hesitant to become deeply involved, but the United States and France backed him regardless. So, what happened in 1982? What were the consequences of the Habre regime’s rise and fall?
The government of Habre o Abre used repressive methods to gain control of the country and suppress the opposition. The abuses were reported in major news outlets and in the archives of the US State Department. Yet, Habre had the backing of his foreign patrons, who provided military aid, training, intelligence, and political support. This helped the Habre government maintain its grip on power and avoid the destabilization of the country.
The Court defended the country`s politics:
In 1980, the GUNT-Habre coalition collapsed. This unrest led to a nine-month battle in N’Djamena. In response, Qaddafi intervened on Oueddei’s side. The conflict with Libya resulted in a mutual defense agreement between the two countries. On September 17 of that year, Libya deployed 7,000 troops and heavy armaments in Chad to support their rival regime.
Since the 1980s, the United States has been one of the strongest international supporters of the Extraordinary African Chambers. In fact, the US government, which viewed Habre as a stalwart in the fight against Muammar Qaddafi’s expansion, backed the court case and defended the country’s political police. Even after Habre o Abre’s capture, the US government continued to provide vital military support to his government.
His treatment of Libyan POWs
In 1985, the United Nations released a report on the treatment of Libyan POWs by the government of Habre o Abre. The report is particularly relevant today because of the ongoing conflict in Libya. As a result, many Libyan POWs are still being held in a UN prison in Germany. Habre’s government has apologized for its treatment of POWs, but the issue of the Libyan POWs has yet to be resolved.
The situation in Libya was tense and volatile for over a year. In April and May of 1988, Habre o Abre’s government announced prospective recognition of the Government of National Unity. The recognition was conditioned on Chad’s surrender of the Aouzou Strip, the expulsion of all French troops, and the return of all Libyan prisoners. On August 10, 1983, France committed itself to Habre’s side, with Operation Manta installing 3,500 men and eight fighter planes north of N’Djamena, along the 16th Parallel.
Initiatives as Geopolitical pawns:
After the fall of Habre, Libyan POWs became geopolitical pawns. The lack of transparency about the fate of Libyan POWs has also sabotaged the progress of other diplomatic initiatives. However, Habre did not allow Libya to investigate the fate of Libyan POWs. As a result, the US government created a small army of Libyan “Contras” from the ranks of Libyan POWs.
While Habre o Abre’s government tries to maintain the appearance of democracy, the regime’s treatment of POWs has drawn widespread criticism. It is also unlikely that a regime like this could hold onto power if it were not supported by France. Even the French and United States did not take the initiative to intervene more deeply, but they sent military and emergency aid to Habre’s government.
US support through Conflict:
Despite widespread criticism, US administrations were fully aware of the brutality of the Habre government. Despite the widespread abuses, the US government did not do anything to stop the government from punishing Libyans. It did, however, offer political support to the Habre government. Human Rights Watch has documented this support. Although it’s important to note that the US government has yet to disclose the details of this assistance, it is important to know that the United States government supported the Habre regime throughout the conflict.
The international community remembered the kidnapping of the French officer Francoise Claustre in 1974. The French officer who had negotiated her release was later executed. This disclosure destabilized the hopes of Western nations that Habre and Kamougue would unite against Qaddafi’s forces. On September 5, Habre and the Islamic Legion attacked N’Djamena and retook it. They also attacked the Libyan airbase at Maaten-as-Sarra. The Libyan forces then retreated after heavy losses, with the French also recognizing Habre’s government.
In December 2015, the DDS released Abdelrahman Milad, the former head of the Libyan Coast Guard’s western branch in al-Zawiya, despite sanctions by the UN Security Council. Abdelrahman Milad, formerly known as Bidja, was also released from prison. The government had used the threat of Qaddafi to justify the arrest. Habre used the threat of Libya as an excuse for its own revenge and brutally repressed dissent.